CHAPTER 1ANTI-CAPITALIST SECTARIANISM
1.8 The Characteristics, Causes and Effects of Anti-Capitalist Sectarianism From all the above information and from the views expressed, we can construct and summarise a clear set of indicators or characteristics of sectarianism. However, before doing this we can also assert that sectarianism in relationship to the anti-capitalist struggle can be considered: 1) a critically serious
problem, 2) a problem of 'international'
dimensions, 3) a problem with a 'long' history. These three points are important for they demonstrate that the sectarian political 'mindset' is not something trivial which will go away on its own. Nor is sectarianism specific to a set of geographical boundaries or limited to a short time scale - it is international and long-lasting. This point should be thoroughly grasped. If, despite the warnings and efforts of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky, sectarianism survives amongst their followers, then it would be arrogant, lazy, or misguided if we did not give it serious attention. The above points far from exhaust the question, they merely determine the scope and durability of the problem. We can now formulate a list which will allow us to see to what extent sectarianism exists and, if it exists, to examine any peculiarities or similarities it bears to past expressions of the trend. From what we have considered, it is possible to distinguish four aspects to the question of sectarianism. We can distinguish its characteristics, the effects it has, the causes for its existence and the remedies for its cure. These aspects, can be summarised as follows. 1.8.1 The Characteristics of Sectarianism 1. Sectarians maintain they have the answer, the solution, the 'key' or a panacea to the problems of the working class and the anti-capitalist struggle. A solution which is ready made in terms of doctrine or set of principles. (Marx/Engels.) 2. The reason for its existence, its point of honour, is not what it has in COMMON with the working class movement but what criteria (shibboleth) it has which distinguishes it from this and the anti-capitalist movement as a whole. (Marx/Engels) 3. Sectarianism is religious in the sense of having an unshakeable belief (conviction) in its correctness despite the contradiction between that conviction and the actual historical development. (Marx/Engels/Trotsky.) 4. Sectarians carry out serious struggles against each other even in the face of common dangers. (Engels) 5. They tend to elevate trivialities to the level of principles and then work towards a split. (Lenin) 6. Sectarians often shout the loudest for anti-capitalist unity. (Engels) 7. They are characterised by extreme bitterness and they generally poison the atmosphere. (Trotsky) 8. Sectarians are often boastful and arrogant. (Marx/Engels) 9. Sectarians are generally satisfied by logical deductions and operate by means of abstractions. (Trotsky) 10. Sectarians demand that the anti-capitalist movement as a whole subordinates itself to their particular group. (Marx) 1.8.2 The Effects of Sectarianism 1. It repels serious working people. (Trotsky) 2. Sectarianism is essentially reactionary. (Marx) 3. Sectarians do not create leaders amongst working people. (Lenin) 4. Where they exist, sectarians infect or adulterate the workers' and anti-capitalist movement. (Engels.) 5. Sectarians transform theory into a dogma. (Marx/Engels/Lenin) 6. Sectarianism is a pernicious menace. (Lenin) 1.8.3 The Causes of Sectarianism 1. The immaturity of the working class movement. (Marx) 2. Certain people become static and cannot advance. (Engels) 3. A downturn or an ebb in the revolutionary movement. (Trotsky) 4. The existence within the left of people of force and ability who think themselves and their ideas superior. (Marx, Engels, Trotsky) 1.8.4 The Cures for Sectarianism Of course there can be no hope of overcoming sectarianism within the anti-capitalist movement unless it is recognised that a problem of sectarianism exists. In my view a difficulty in the past in clearly recognising the extent of the problem has been caused by the lack of serious analysis of its characteristics. By using the above list of characteristics we can examine our own and others conduct in the continuing struggle against capital and take the necessary steps to oppose it where it exists. I suggest the following points as logical steps in that process: 1. A determination to get rid of sectarianism. 2. A refusal to allow different interpretations to prevent a positive unity of the anti-capitalist movement. 3. The elevation of the needs of the anti-capitalist movement above the needs of one's own group and questioning the reason for the group's existence. 4. A refusal to hero-worship individuals. 5. A re-examination of the concept of leadership within the revolutionary struggle against capital. 6. The identification of working-class men and women as non-sectarian facilitators among their class and the anti-capitalist movement. We can see from the combined analysis of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky, that sectarianism is an egocentric pattern of behaviour. A pattern which displays arrogance and an unshakeable belief in the correctness of a particular set of views - often in the form of 'abstractions' and political 'trademarks'. In its political form it is a deep seated and long lasting tendency within and around left wing revolutionary, anti-capitalist and even nationalist politics. As with religious sectarianism, it is parasitic on the humanist aspirations of those suffering exploitation and oppression and wishing to end it. For sectarians feed off this humanistic aspiration in order to justify their existence, whilst they simultaneously destroy it by their inhuman practices. We need only ask ourselves a few simple but searching questions at this point. What would be the result of giving such sectarian individuals considerable power? If religious or anti-capitalist sectarians were ever to succeed in their quest to have the working class put them in power, what would happen? If, as a result of an anti-capitalist or anti-imperialist revolution they found at their disposal armed forces of coercion with the power and authority to implement their ideas, how would they go about it? Section 8.1, points 1 to 10 provide us with an indication of how these questions might be answered. We need only go back over these ten points one by one and ask ourselves how sectarians with full control of state power would conduct themselves; with power to implement their policies with an unshakeable belief in their correctness: men of arrogance and extreme bitterness in control of weapons of oppression and destruction. Some sectarians even without state power can be dangerous enough in unleashing indiscriminate acts of vengeance and terror; it makes one shudder to contemplate their control of even greater forces. Can we really expect such people to lead humanity into a non-oppressive future? The effects as summarised in Section 8.2, points 1 to 6 are serious enough when the sectarians in question have little or no power and authority. To see the effects of these political sectarian characteristics when displayed by men with unlimited power to back them up, we need only examine the reality as it unfolded in Cambodia under Pol Pot or in the Soviet Union under Stalin. In the next chapter we shall consider the latter. Although it is quite correct to apply the term 'sectarian' to small groupings which display divisive and bigoted behaviour by sectarian 'leaders' and 'followers', these characteristics are not necessarily exclusive to small groups. They are merely more frequently found there. The characteristics of sectarianism, since they arise from the actions of individuals, singly and in groups, can arise within large political movements as well as small ones. It should be noted, therefore, that sectarian behaviour takes place wherever the mixture of the above characteristics is strong enough to organise as a distinct political or religious tendency, or manifests itself within one. It is essential to recognise the full range of sectarian characteristics identified, and not just the most extreme or bizarre. Otherwise, groups or individuals, who are thoroughly sectarian, yet do not manifest the more extreme symptoms, can mask their sectarianism, for long periods of time. Long enough to do important damage to the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist struggle. All the characteristics are important, but in one sense it is more important that the subtle and hidden characteristics of sectarianism are given serious consideration. It is obvious that the more bizarre aspects are easily identifiable, whilst other aspects can go on almost unnoticed - until it is too late. Once in existence, sectarianism is divisive, corrosive and leads to disgust and disillusionment amongst working people and others in the anti-capitalist struggle and in other struggles against oppression. It could not be otherwise in movements with a humanist purpose, because sectarianism so clearly contradicts that purpose. This much could perhaps have been established by a study of existing sectarian organisations and without recourse to the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin or Trotsky. However, the response of sectarians claiming orthodoxy with Marx, Engels, Lenin or Trotsky may have led to attempts to rebuff such challenges. They would undoubtedly claim that their ready-made answers and 'unshakeable beliefs' derive from a superior knowledge of their leader's (or God's) thoughts. Sectarian defensive rationalisation often attempts to represent its bitterness and poison as revolutionary or religious zeal and political steel; their use of logical deductions and abstractions as flowing from their advanced theoretical or scriptural grasp. Now at least, in order to rationalise any continued sectarianism, anti-capitalist sectarians will have to take into account their own ideological forerunners. 1.9 To sum up It can no longer escape the notice of anyone but the most dogmatic and blind sectarian that sectarianism is not just a minor aberration, but cuts to the very heart of the opposition to the capitalist system. In all its forms, religious and political, it focuses on differences and exacerbates divisions. It is capable of turning materialist dialectics into fixed categories or dogma. As a political tendency it invariably repels serious working people and other potential anti-capitalists. Marx considered sectarianism as quite simply reactionary. There can be no greater verbal indictments than those encountered so far. The implications of these combined observations are clear. Sectarianism, within the ranks of those opposed to the capitalist or imperialist system, can undermine that opposition to such a degree that it becomes a significant factor - if not the most significant factor - in preventing unity of the anti-capitalist forces. In the 21st century it is not enough simply to be part of the anti-capitalist struggle; in order to further that struggle, we need also seriously to combat sectarianism. As we have already seen, sectarianism is not just a mild, irritating and occasional syndrome, it represents a thoroughgoing revision of revolutionary anti-capitalist understanding and it flies directly in the face of the combined experience of working class and anti-capitalist struggle. If we are able to find sectarianism or even traces of it within the ranks of the anti-capitalist movement today, we are close to understanding an important factor in any fragmented and dissipated condition of the opposition to capitalist exploitation and oppression. We will also be able to use the analysis presented here to identify the carriers of the sectarian disease within the anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist and workers' movements and hopefully cure them or isolate them. Before that, in the interests of historical progression, we shall trace many of these selfsame sectarian characteristics through their inter-war progress in the 'official' communist movement. |